Massimo Pigliucci on philosophy clubs and the Community of Reason

This week, I interviewed the philosopher and scientist Massimo Pigliucci as part of my research into philosophy clubs and the Skeptic movement. Massimo is a fascinating figure: he grew up in Italy, then moved to the University of Tennessee to become a professor in ecology and evolution, before moving to City University of New York to become a professor in philosophy. He began outreach work in 1997, in Tennessee, when he heard that local politicians were campaigning to re-introduce creationism into schools – he campaigned instead to introduce ‘Darwin Day’ into local schools. This led to him being approached by a Skeptic group called ‘The Fellowship of Reason’, who asked him to join.

Massimo writes: “My first thought was that an outlet with that name must be run by cuckoos, and at any rate I had a lab to take care of and tenure to think about, thank you very much. But in fact it took only a couple more polite attempts on their part before I joined the group and, by proxy, the broader Community of Reason. It has been one of the most meaningful and exhilarating decisions of my life.” Massimo is an active member of the Skeptic community, writes a popular blog, and also runs a New York philosophy meetup with over 1000 members.

So what (I asked Massimo) is this ‘Community of Reason’?

It’s really three over-lapping communities: skeptics, atheists and humanists. There are some differences between them, but lots in common. They all, at least nominally, put reason at the forefront of what they’re doing.

Tell me about the three groups, their histories, and their differences.

Conway Hall, home of British humanists, and Skeptics, and atheists...

Well, modern Skepticism appeared in the late 1970s, around the establishment of Skeptical Inquirer magazine. The Skeptics were originally interested in debunking some of the fluffy New Age thinking that flourished in the 1960s and 1970s. But it has significantly expanded its sphere of influence to apply Skeptic thinking to other areas like social science or politics or religion. Atheists think of themselves as a movement but all we have in common is a rejection of the supernatural. Atheists have a wide variety of views politically, from progressive to libertarian to Objectivist. Finally, secular Humanism starts from a secular perspective and takes it in a progressive political direction. Its humanitarian principles are found in the UN Declaration of Human Rights. It arguably emerged as a response to the horrors of World War I, and the failure of the League of Nations. You can trace its development back to the Fabians, and to figures like HG Wells and George Bernard Shaw.

Do these three groups really constitute a community?

My anecdotal experience is that there is a large overlap. You see a lot of the same people and the same speakers at Skeptic, atheist and humanist events. Atheists tend to be skeptical of the paranormal and so on. Most Skeptics are also atheists or at least agnostics, and are sympathetic to a rational and empirical view of the world. And secular humanists are by definition secular and explicitly endorse the application of science to the problems of the world.

What do Skeptic community members do together?

There’s involvement at different levels. There are more formal local and national groups, which might hold formal lectures or large conferences; and there are informal discussion groups, book clubs, Skeptics In the Pubs and so on. [Here’s a useful new document from a recent Skeptic forum about how Skeptics can get involved].

And the aim of these groups is mainly to learn?

Ben Goldacre at London Skeptics In the Pub

Learning is a part of it. But it’s more than just a science club. It’s also because people need social support. I meet a lot of people in the community who had troubled early experiences with religion, who felt alone, or weird, or ostracised in their local community. They’re looking for an alternative community, a place where they feel safe and accepted.

Is that why Skepticism is a more vibrant grassroots movement in the US than Europe, because Skeptics feel more marginalised in the US?

Yes I think so. I’ve been a member of Skeptic groups in New York and in Knoxville, Tennessee. My impression is places like Knoxville are where you find the stronger groups, with larger numbers, precisely because they feel under threat. I grew up in Italy, where I never heard of organised atheist groups, because in Rome, even with the Vatican nearby, religion is not a big issue.

In the UK it’s considered weirder to be religious than secular.

Yes, Skeptics in Norway told me it was more acceptable to say you were gay in Norway than religious.

Clearly the internet is a big part of the Skeptic movement’s vibrancy. Skeptic blogs, including your own, attract hundreds of comments.

Yes, you got a lot of comments on Skeptic blogs. Sometimes the comments are straightforward insults, people who feel like they can be jerks when their identity is hidden. I’ve written a blog for 10 years, and the blog is moderated to keep the tone of the discussion civil. What you see is that a lot of the commentators are very smart, and you develop a productive relationship with your readership over the years. And the comments section tends to be self-moderating – if someone says something silly, other people will correct them.

In general, the internet makes for a sense of community. It means that at any time of the day or night, you can log on and find someone to interact with. The negative side of that is communication is sometimes not as civil as it might be.

Would you characterise Skepticism as a philosophical movement?

Sam Harris: moral philosophy 'increases the boredom of the universe'

I think most members would say it was a scientific movement. There’s a lot of misunderstanding of philosophy within the community, in part thanks to the outright hostility towards philosophy expressed by some Skeptic figures like Lawrence Krauss. It’s sometimes a form of anti-intellectualism. Take Sam Harris’ recent book, The Moral Landscape, in which he tried to answer some moral questions. There was no discussion of previous moral philosophy in it. Harris said in a footnote that he wasn’t going to engage in philosophical discussion because it ‘increases the boredom of the universe’. Imagine if it was the other way round, and a philosopher said they weren’t going to engage with neuroscience because it ‘increased the boredom of the universe’.

You’re both a scientist and a philosopher. Is there a clear line between the two fields?

You can’t draw a clear line between them. That’s always been the case, since Aristotle. A lot of philosophers subscribe to the view that some areas of philosophy are placeholders for science – philosophers go to the areas where there is no clear way to empirically answer the question, until that way arrives and can be empirically tested. That’s what’s happened in physics, in psychology, and it’s happening now in philosophy of mind, where you see a transition at the moment between philosophers and cognitive scientists. When one field gets ceded to scientists, then you see the formation of new parts of philosophy, such as the philosophy of psychology or the philosophy of science.

Philosophy is a broader exercise which informs science itself. Data are theory-dependent. That doesn’t mean anything goes. It means it’s not just a question of getting the facts. You also need to recognise there are issues of ideology and epistemology underlying theories. Of course, sometimes philosophers rub scientists the wrong way, and cause a particular scientific field some problems. Take the controversy about evolutionary psychology, where philosophers have challenged the credibility of the entire field.

It seems strange that the Skeptic movement should be so hostile to philosophy, when it was partly started by philosophers like Paul Kurtz. Anyway, you have written that the Skeptic movement suffers from a ‘failure of leadership’. What do you mean by that?

The Skeptic movement has some prominent leaders or figureheads. And some of them engage in anti-intellectualism regarding certain areas of intellectual endeavour, particularly philosophy. Or they engage in unnecessarily harsh or offensive language. I don’t think it helps, that sort of incivility. And then there are some Skeptics who indulge in Skepticism to the point of being unreasonable – for example, they express Skepticism about human-caused climate change. I ask them, on what basis? Do you understand atmospheric physics? It’s a form of anti-intellectualism.

Is that sort of mindlessness the consequence of a growing community? What I mean is, when a community gets so big, its values can harden into unexamined dogmas.

Yes, perhaps it’s one price you pay for a larger and stronger community – some of the voices may not be as aware as others. The movement is growing in numbers, for sure. So there are some growing pains. And there are people who don’t know the history of the movement – young people come in, with a lot of enthusiasm, who aren’t aware of what we’ve been doing for the last 30 years. But it’s a still a vibrant conversation. A growing trend within the community, for example, is asking what sort of social issues the movement should address, beyond debunking New Age charlatans. The movement is also finally waking up to feminism. [Look at the new ‘Atheism Plus’ movement, for example. ]

So tell me about the New York philosophy meetup you run.

Massimo was awarded the movement's highest honour: his own 'Skeptic Top Trumps' card

I started it five or six years ago, when I moved to New York. I wanted a public outlet outside of academia. I contacted Rick Lewis of Philosophy Now magazine, because he had the idea of starting meetups all over the world. Basically people sign up to go to a dinner. Usually there are 15 to 20 places then a big waiting list. I pick a topic or other people suggest one. I usually put up a short article beforehand. Then we sit down, and have a symposium-style discussion for a couple of hours. Sometimes we organise larger events at larger venues – we did one on the science and philosophy of free will, which had around 500 people, who chose to give up their saturday afternoon in New York and pay for a ticket for an intellectual discussion.

The New York meetup has been incredibly successful. We have over 1000 members, and we’re not even the biggest philosophy club in New York. So the next time an academic colleague complains that they can’t talk about philosophy to the general public, I’ll take them to the meetup.

How good is academic philosophy at this sort of outreach?

On average, academic philosophy departments are pretty damn bad at outreach, which is unfortunate. When I talk to senior colleagues about the meetup, the look of indifference or contempt is pretty obvious. They think it’s a waste of time – any time producing a podcast or an event is time not spent on writing the next book or journal article which will be read by give people. But a good number of colleagues now have blogs or podcasts, or they’re happy to talk at public events. For example, we did an event at the New York Public Library on para-consistent logic, and a colleague of mine came to talk. It was packed. He was amazed. The younger generation, of course, is more aware of the internet and of popularising efforts like those pop culture and philosophy books. The older generation look at it and think ‘oh my gosh, you’re cheapening the field’. But that’s silly. They’re doing what scientists have done for years, which is improving the public understanding of the subject.

Thanks for the interview Massimo, and good luck with your work. He has a new collection of his blog posts out on Amazon Kindle, by the way, called Blogging As A Path to Self-Knowledge.

Geoffrey Klempner on taking philosophy beyond academia

One of the pioneers of philosophy beyond academia in the UK is Geoffrey Klempner, the founder of the Pathways online school of philosophy, which he set up in 1995 – a long time before the likes of the School of Life or the Idler Academy. I had a chat with Geoffrey about his story, and his vision for philosophy.

When did you decide to be a philosopher outside of academia?

I went to University College, Oxford, in 1976, to do a Masters under John McDowell. I had a rather strange relationship with him, because his arm was somewhat twisted to take me on as a student. And quite quickly I felt I didn’t belong in academia. I didn’t like the competitiveness among dons, and felt the really interesting issues were often buried or ignored. I once remarked to John that I’d only be happy if I set up my own philosophy school.

Do you think that your personality played a role? Perhaps you are not a very institutionalised person.

Yes, maybe. I didn’t like to be one of a pack, I preferred to go it alone.

So you decided to leave academia and be an extra-academic philosopher. Were there such things in the 1980s?

I had no idea. I decided to write a book, so I went on the dole in Oxford and then in Brighton. I ended up in Sheffield, and made contact with the philosophy department there. Then I started to teach philosophy classes with the Workers Educational Association (WEA) in Sheffield, which was a real breakthrough. It meant I was no longer going round in circles in my head. Suddenly I had to come up with ideas and lessons for my students. I persuaded them to come to my flat and we worked through my book chapter by chapter. I could never have done it on my own – it was the dialogue with my students that helped me to do it.

But I was still on the dole, still having to go to these awful job interviews. So I decided the sensible option was to launch something of my own, not least to get family credit and no longer have to go to job interviews. So I set up Pathways in 1995, as a school of philosophy offering six correspondence courses: introduction to philosophy, philosophy of mind, ancient philosophy, philosophy of language, moral philosophy, and metaphysics. I took an advert out in the Guardian and The Times, and attracted three students. So then I had to write the courses.

You hadn’t written them yet?

I didn’t have my own computer. So I used a computer in Sheffield University and churned out the units. I was very strongly motivated to do it because I had an expectant student waiting for it at the other end.

How much did a course cost?

The original price was £160, now it’s £240. It’s very good value for money – there are 15 units in each course, students get 800 words plus feed back for each unit, plus feedback to five essays from the mentor. But before the website, I was only breaking even after paying for the newspaper ads.

When did you launch the website?

In 1998. Sheffield University gave me a booklet on how to programme HTML and I did it myself. The website changed everything. Pathways finally became financially viable. I mean, my income has never been more than a junior lecturer, but given how enjoyable the work is, and the fact I don’t work very long hours, I think it’s quite reasonable. It’s a balance. Today, the sites get roughly 3500 hits a day, and about eight new students a month. Since 2003, we’ve also worked with the University of London providing tuition for its international diploma in philosophy, which brings in an excellent calibre of student.

Since then, you’ve set up quite a few philosophy websites.

Yes, I’m kind of addicted to making websites. I’ve set up a dozen or so, including The Electronic Philosopher, Ten Big Questions, PhiloSophos.com. Ask a Philosopher (that site gets about 30 questions a week and we answer six of them), Gallery of Russian Thinkers…I’ve built between 3 and 4,000 pages on the net, including some really weird fringe stuff.

One of the bits of this vast landscape that I like is the GlassHouse Philosopher Notebook, which is sort of the Diogenes in your virtual city. Tell me about that.

It was an experiment – I decided to be a philosophical counsellor to myself, and that the only way to do this was completely in the open. At that time, I had a wife and three daughters [his wife, June, has since passed away], I was struggling financially, my wife was totally uninterested in philosophy. And I was trying to understand my life as a philosopher in relation to my life in the world. I kept it going for 140 pages, stopped, then started again, then got interested in something else.

Some people’s vision of philosophy outside of academia is as a kind of therapy or counselling, in which the teacher and the student bring all of themselves to the practice of it – their emotions, their problems, their psyches. Is that anything like what Pathways does? Do students bring their personal lives into their essays?

There’s a kind of rule that I’m not a therapist or a philosophical counsellor. I’m here to debate problems of philosophy. Being so prominent on the net, you’re a magnet, and you will attract people with issues. But we try and put philosophy centre-stage. The justification for doing philosophy is that you need it, you’re gripped by its problems. It’s not there to make your life better. I know there are other traditions where that is the goal, but I come from a tradition of analytical philosophy, which isn’t like that.

The courses are correspondence courses – and you’d argue that letters have a great history in philosophy…

Yes, they’re a fantastic way of provoking philosophical thought, and have been used by everyone from Seneca to Descartes. Live dialogues are terrific, of course, but it’s very rewarding to have time to sit down and compose a letter.

And today you have other people who volunteer as ‘mentors’.

Yes, a dozen or so.

Are they paid?

No, they volunteer, and they themselves get to do courses for free.

How do you do quality control?

All correspondence is forwarded to me, and there have been cases where I’ve had to write and say ‘this is not good enough’ or the students have complained. There was also a case where a student was sexually harassing a teacher. On the whole it has worked well, and we have around 500 former students of the school.

So what advice would you give to people looking to set up philosophy schools?

Well, it was really important to me that I didn’t expect it to make money. If you need money, there are better ways to get it. Perhaps you have a rich wife or a sponsor, then that’s terrific. Then you can invest massive amounts of time into building something up. And the wonderful thing about the internet is that, over time, it rewards good content. It rewards those with something to say.

How do you see philosophy developing outside of academia?

Well, clearly there are lots of different organisations now, like Philosophy In Pubs, the University of the Third Age, the School of Life. But they tend to pass each other like ships in the night, without really connecting. Philosophy inside academia has institutions, like peer-reviewed journals, for some sort of quality control. At the least, it would be good for more of a conversation to develop between philosophy organisations outside of academia. But a lot of these organisations depend on the quality of the people attending it and running it. If you just gather a lot of people together in a pub, you can end up with inane chatter. Yes, everyone has something worthwhile to say, but it doesn’t always just come out by itself.

What is the relationship between philosophy and comedy?

Philosophy and comedy share certain characteristics. At the most basic level, both philosophers and comedians ask the question, why? Why do we do things this way and not a different way?

Larry David’s Curb Your Enthusiasm, for example, is a series of ethical debates, typically involving a conventional view of morality, and Larry’s more idiosyncratic view of correct behaviour. Usually, both sides have some legitimacy to their view point, and the comedy arises from the Talmudic argument, and the social dissonance between Larry and the rest of the world. Here’s Larry involved in another ethical debate:

Both philosophy and comedy serve the Socratic function of making us question our unconscious habits; making the habitual strange and ridiculous; saying the unsayable; challenging conventions; challenging power.

If Diogenes were alive today, he'd be a stand-up comic

I think of Diogenes the Cynic – how he punctured his society’s civilised pretensions. Diogenes, today, would be a stand-up comic, not an academic philosopher. Indeed, he hated philosophy’s movement towards institutionalisation, and would go and heckle at Plato’s academy, pulling out chickens and other stunts to get laughs.

His modern equivalent is Dave Chappelle – check out his Cynic song:

And before him, it was George Carlin:

Perhaps the difference between the philosopher and the comedian, today, is that while comedians and philosophers start off asking the same questions, they end up at a different place, because comedians quickly find the process too funny, or ridiculous, and throw their hands up in the air and make some bathetic remark. They take refuge in the absurd, while the stony-faced philosopher presses grimly on.

Woody Allen (a philosophy major) is the clearest instance of this ‘waving the bathetic flag’ – his films are full of instances where he raises profound philosophical questions about life and death, briefly confronts them, and then escapes them with a bathetic moment. It’s his basic comic manoeuvre. For example, the line from Hannah and Her Sisters – ‘How the hell do I know why there were Nazis, I don’t even know how this can-opener works.’ Or some of Allen’s early one-liners: ‘Not only is there no God, but try getting a plumber on weekends.’

Perhaps it’s not an escape into bathos, not a consolation, but rather a recognition that even the process of trying to philosophise about existence is itself ridiculous and absurd. So the comedian has a self-awareness that the philosopher lacks, perhaps.

Comedians, like philosophers, also love to ridicule the superstitions and irrationalities of religion – Life of Brian is the best example, more powerful and persuasive in its critique than any Sam Harris polemic, I’d suggest. One of the reasons the Skeptic movement is so vibrant is that it’s as full of comedians (Ricky Gervais, Robin Ince, Stephen Fry…) as it is of scientists and philosophers. Here, for example, is rabid atheist Doug Stanhope:

But then there are also more Platonic comedians, like the mystic Russell Brand, or Bill Hicks, who suggest there is some higher reality beyond this ridiculous world:

Perhaps the main difference between philosophers and comedians, is that there is no such thing as an academic comedian. Stand-up philosophy, in particular, involves a giving of yourself, a sharing of yourself, a public exposure, not required or even allowed by the formal strictures of the academy.

Again, I think of Diogenes going along to Plato’s formal lectures, standing up, and pulling out a chicken. That heckling from the back is comedy’s riposte to philosophy – stop taking yourself and your word-games so seriously, and stop hiding away from the messy reality of life. Here, on that note, is Jonathan Miller of Beyond the Fringe, riffing on Russell:

Here is Stephen Fry making a similar joke. Within the joke, he’s asking the question – do we revere philosophers less in Anglo-Saxon countries than on the continent, simply because we can’t take them, or ourselves, sufficiently seriously? We can’t help laughing at Russell, or De Botton, or David Hume stuck in a bog…If so, I think that’s probably quite a good thing. As Fry suggests, it may be one of the reasons we avoided the extremes of fascism and communism in Anglo-Saxon countries – because every time some pompous git like Alain Badiou started mouthing off about Maoism, we laughed at them.

Anyway, another philosophical comedy clip, this from Not the Nine O’Clock News, with Rowan Atkinson and Mel Smith doing some wonderful stuff on the human / animal relationship:

And, finally, from the most philosophical of comedians, Monty Python, here is their ‘argument clinic’ sketch:

Does novel-reading enhance empathy?

‘It was through books that I first realised there were other worlds beyond my own; first imagined what it might be like to be another person,’ wrote novelist Julian Barnes in a recent Guardian essay. It’s an enticing thought that reading fiction might help us escape the straitjacket of our egos and expand our moral universes. Modern literary theorists are, however, decidedly sniffy about the notion. ‘They see the idea as too middlebrow, too therapeutic, too kitsch, too sentimental, too Oprah,’ according to Steven Pinker in his latest tome, The Better Angels of Our Nature.

Yet Pinker, together with philosopher Martha Nussbaum, psychologist Keith Oatley and historian Lynn Hunt, is amongst a new band of champions for the idea that reading can indeed change not just ourselves, but the world. If we want to put this idea to the test, a good starting point is one of the most popular novels of the nineteenth century, Harriet Beecher Stowe’s Uncle Tom’s Cabin. What interests me, though, is not simply the extraordinary social impact of this admittedly sentimental story, but what its writing reveals about the origins of morality itself.

Harriet Beecher Stowe was born in 1811 into a family of evangelical and intellectual Protestant preachers. Growing up in New England, and then moving out west to Cincinnati, she had a privileged upbringing, living in well-appointed homes with servants, and also attending some of the finest schools for young ladies in an era when most women were denied access to formal education. A ravenous reader and excellent scholar, she became a teacher before marrying a stolid and lacklustre professor of biblical studies somewhat reminiscent of Mr Casaubon from George Eliot’s Middlemarch.

The great political issue of her age was slavery. There was increasing dissent in the north of the country against the cruelty and inhumanity of the slave economy that prevailed in the southern states, especially on the cotton plantations. Some of Beecher Stowe’s brothers were abolitionists, but even in the 1840s, when the newspapers were full of debate on the issue, she displayed little interest in the growing movement against slavery, and was more concerned with expanding women’s access to education and bringing up her bevy of children.

Her life changed radically in 1852, when she published her novel Uncle Tom’s Cabin. A vibrant and moving story that was effectively a political tract against slavery, it sold ten thousand copies in the first week and within a year three hundred thousand copies had been sold in America and nearly a million in England. By 1860 Beecher Stowe was the most famous writer in the world. On the eve of the civil war, in 1861, Uncle Tom’s Cabin had sold an astonishing four million copies. When the author met Abraham Lincoln in the White House a year later, he is said to have greeted her with the words, ‘So you’re the little woman who wrote the book that started this great war!’

It is, undoubtedly, one of the most widely read and influential books ever written. While today many people ridicule its sentimental depiction of African Americans and excessive melodrama, its power lies in relating the historical truth of slavery. That is why George Orwell referred to it as a ‘good bad book’ – one which is valuable not for its literary merit but because ‘it is trying to be serious and deal with the real world’.

Centred on the life of a long-suffering black slave, Uncle Tom’s Cabin takes the reader into a world where human beings are bought and sold, and children are separated from their mothers by unscrupulous white traders in a system of institutionalised servitude that was generally accepted by the majority of society.

So what drove Beecher Stowe to write her book? Why did this genteel white woman, whose contact with African Americans was limited and who had barely travelled into the southern states, embark on writing a novel that inspired much of a nation to empathise with the plight of an oppressed minority?

One of the most important answers concerns a child. Charley was her sixth and favourite. Born in 1848, Beecher Stowe referred to him as ‘my pride and hope’, and she openly gave him more love and attention than any of her other children. But at the age of just a year and a half, he died in an outbreak of cholera that swept Cincinnati, killing nine thousand people. Her grief was extreme. It consumed her, haunted her. She could not escape the vision of him dying in agony before her eyes as she watched helplessly, unable to mitigate his suffering.

Charley, killed by cholera in 1849

Charley’s death, however, was an inspiration for her transformation into an abolitionist and for the story of Uncle Tom’s Cabin. It was the singular event that ripped her open into empathy, for she could now understand how black slave women might feel when their children were taken from them to be sold, a common occurrence throughout the slave states. She wrote, ‘It was at his dying bed, and at his grave, that I learnt what a poor slave mother may feel when her child is torn away from her.’ In a related entry in her journal she noted, ‘I wrote what I did because as a woman, as a mother I was oppressed and brokenhearted with the sorrows and injustice I saw’. Charley’s death provided a searing moment of empathic insight, and it is unsurprising that the theme of the separation of mother and child is so prevalent throughout her novel. It was through her own experience of suffering that Beecher Stowe was able to step into the lives of people whose daily existence, in so many ways, was the opposite of her own.

Following Charley’s death, Beecher Stowe became more politicised than she had ever previously been. She was enraged by the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850, which stipulated that anybody who gave shelter, food or other assistance to an escaping slave could be fined a thousand dollars and sent to prison for six months. It is as if the death of her son helped bring into sharp relief the injustices of slavery and the absolute immorality of the legal system that supported it.

Another event brought her even closer to writing Uncle Tom’s Cabin. It occurred in 1851, a time in her life when her personal pain and anguish – due to multiple illnesses, being worn out by child-rearing, and Charley’s death – were leading her to identify increasingly closely with the suffering of Christ. While taking communion one winter’s day in a church in Maine, the thought of Christ on the cross brought forth in her mind a picture of a bleeding slave being whipped. She was moved to a ‘convulsion of tears’ and immediately wrote down what had happened when she returned home.

This image then transformed into a key narrative element of her novel, when the old man is whipped to death in the final pages, a clear symbol of the crucifixion. In other words, Beecher Stowe had found herself entering into the pain experienced by a slave via her personal identification with the agonies of Jesus nailed to the cross. It was an instance of empathic understanding, where her own suffering brought her into communion with the tragedies of others.

Art historians have pointed out that a primary purpose of religious images of the crucifixion, where Jesus has blood seeping from his wounds, is to have the viewer feel something of his pain, thereby promoting an imitation of Christ. Beecher Stowe used the image of Tom’s death to play a similar function for her readers. Her Christianity and her writing were both pervaded by an empathic spirit.

Following the success of Uncle Tom’s Cabin, Beecher Stowe became a spokesperson for abolitionists and an activist for the cause, supporting education for freed slaves and raising funds to buy children out of slavery. But she was certainly no radical agitator like William Lloyd Garrison. Nor did she regularly risk her life like Harriet Tubman and others who operated the Underground Railroad that helped fugitive slaves escape north into free states and Canada.

Her main contribution was to shift the worldview of her multitude of readers, by taking their imaginations into the horrific realities of lives that they had ignored for so long, and thereby fomenting the rebellion against slavery and its proponents that eventually played itself out in the American Civil War.

So yes, reading a novel can change the world. Which leaves an obvious question. Which novels have expanded your own moral landscape, and what was their magic ingredient?

Roman Krznaric is a founding faculty member of The School of Life. His latest books are The Wonderbox: Curious Histories of How to Live and How to Find Fulfilling Work. Follow him on Twitter @romankrznaric . This post originally appeared on his blog.

RIP Stephen Covey, teacher and historian of self-help

Sad to hear of Stephen Covey’s death. Covey had a wonderful influence on the literature of self-help and business leadership. In a field full of charlatans, he was a good man and a great historian, who brought self-help back to its historical roots. This from a CNN piece on him back in the 1990s:

After receiving an MBA from Harvard, Covey became an assistant to the president of Brigham Young University in Provo. Finding himself interested in “the human side” of business, Covey obtained a cross-disciplinary doctorate in business and education, but he took eight years to do it.

The topic he chose for his dissertation was the “success literature” of the United States since 1776. Covey found that during the republic’s first 150 years, most of that kind of writing focused on issues of character, the archetype being the autobiography of Ben Franklin. But shortly after World War II, he writes in Seven Habits, “success became more a function of personality, of public image, of attitudes and behaviors, skills and techniques, that lubricate the processes of human interaction.”

He began to think about ways to get people to stop cultivating superficial charm and return to character building, and at about the same time he moved from administration to teaching organizational behavior. His classes, incorporating the embryo of his Seven Habits program, began to draw huge numbers of students — 600, 800, 1,000 to a class, Covey says. In 1985, to take his message to a wider audience, he quit teaching and founded the Covey Leadership Center in Provo, gambling everything he owned: “my home, my cabin, trust money, all my savings — I was hocked unbelievably.”

Covey’s 7 Habits of Highly Effective People became one of the best selling books of all time. It’s a good read –  I particularly like the first habit, and its idea of focusing on what you can control rather than despairing over what you can’t. Covey calls it being  ‘response-able’. It’s an idea that I’d say first originated in Stoic philosophy, particularly in the philosophy of Epictetus, the first line of whose handbook reads ‘Some things are up to us, others are not’. As a scholar and historian, Covey would have known all about Epictetus, and the continued influence of Stoicism on self-help. I would love to read his dissertation on the history of self-help – Brigham Young University should publish it! I reckon it would probably do well.

New publications, April-June 2012

A round-up of some recent publications about the history, philosophy and pscyhology of emotions, including studies of sex, sickness, science, psychiatry, satire; emotional styles, emotional practices, emotional education; love and marriage; Thomas Aquinas, John Donne, René Descartes, Pierre Bourdieu; and why philosophy is good for you, but happiness can be bad for you.

If you would like to review any of the publications mentioned here, for the History of Emotions Blog, then please drop me an email.

Books

Jonas Liliequist has edited a significant new collection entitled A History of Emotions, 1200-1800, published by Pickering and Chatto. The book is comprised of a series of case studies exploring different aspects of the cultural history of emotions in medieval and early-modern Europe. Themes include theology, music, gender, sexuality, and tears.

Colin Jones, Juliet Carey and Emily Richardson are the editors of a book exploring, from various angles, an extraordinary eighteenth-century satirical work of comic drawings, providing unexpected insights into the cultural life and expressive and representational codes of pre-revolutionary Paris. The Saint-Aubin Livre de Caricatures: Drawing Satire in Eighteenth-Century Paris is published by the Voltaire Foundation. The same source was also drawn on by Colin Jones in his Presidential Address to the Royal Historical Society ‘French Crossings II: Laughing Over Boundaries‘, which reflects on the bawdy laughter as well as the cerebral wit to be discovered in this so-called ‘Book of Arses’.

Hannah Newton’s The Sick Child in Early Modern England, 1580-1720 grew out of a PhD at the University of Exeter. The book takes an innovative approach to the histories of childhood, medicine and the emotions, with a particular emphasis on the experiences of the sick children themselves. You can read the introduction to the book, which opens with some startling vignettes of infant deathbeds, via the OUP website.

Exploring familial affections from the vantage point of mothers and fathers, rather than their children (and also published by OUP), is Joanne Bailey’s Parenting in England 1760-1830: Emotion, Identity and Generation. The book explores the intense emotions provoked by parenthood in a cultural world of sensibility, romanticism, and enlightened domesticity. Sources used include engravings and ballads as well as advice literature, court records, and memoirs. Bailey argues for the centrality of parenthood to physical and mental well-being in this period.

Chiara Beccalossi’s new book was developed from a PhD thesis at Queen Mary, University of London. The book is called Female Sexual Inversion: Same-Sex Desires in Italian and British Sexology, c. 1870-1920  and is published by Palgrave. It compares British and Italian approaches to the scientific, medical and cultural apprehension of sexual desire between women in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. You can read the first few pages via the ‘Look Inside’ feature on Amazon.

Mark Jackson’s edited Oxford Handbook of the History of Medicine was published in 2011 and was reviewed recently by Ian Miller for the IHR Reviews in History online. Miller welcomed it as evidence that medical history was still ‘a vibrant area of enquiry which has much to say about present-day concerns’.

Turning from the history to the philosophy of emotions, there are several important books to mention.

Our Policy Director at the QM Centre, Jules Evans, is an expert on ancient philosophical theories of the passions as well as the ways they have inspired modern psychological therapies such as CBT. His new book, entitled Philosophy for Life and Other Dangerous Situations, investigates how ancient philosophies are still used in all sorts of contexts by people seeking to manage their emotional lives, from soldiers and astronauts to therapists and policy-makers. The book was recently reviewed in the Observer by Alexander Linklater.

One of the most prolific philosophers of emotion in the Anglo-American world, who published ground-breaking and influential works for a period of over thirty years was Robert C. Solomon, who died in 2007. His book The Passions: Emotions and the Meaning of Life (1976) remains a landmark publication. Kathleen Higgins and David Sherman have now edited a book of essays, Passion, Death, and Spirituality: The Philosophy of Robert C. Solomon, which explores all aspects of Solomon’s work, including his work on emotions, alongside his writings on existentialism, meaning, life and death.

In Britain the leading philosopher of emotions, until his death in 2011, was Peter Goldie. Goldie’s final book is now published: The Mess Inside: Narrative, Emotion, and the Mind, analysing emotions such as grief and forgiveness as forms of narrative thought. Goldie had an extraordinary career, as described in this Guardian obituary, first as a controversial financier, and then as an influential philosopher of aesthetics and emotion.

Carrying on the torch of academic philosophy of emotion, Julien Deonna and Fabrice Teroni have written The Emotions: A Philosophical Introduction, which will serve as a useful point of entry into recent philosophical debates about emotion for interested historians. Deonna and Teroni also recently wrote, with Raffaele Rodogno, a philosophical study of shame, which they discussed in an interview on this blog earlier in 2012.

Special Issues

I imagine all historians of emotion will want to consult the recent special issue of Rethinking History on‘Emotional Styles’ edited by Benno Gammerl. This is an innovative and hugely stimulating collection including studies of material and geographical spaces, within which feelings have been produced and performed, from nineteenth-century Italian courtrooms to the oeuvre of Walt Disney, the ontology of the ‘crush’, and the work of Judith Butler.

The historian’s own emotions are one of the concerns of the special issue of Rethinking History, and visitors to that journal’s website will note that (currently at least) its most read article is an essay by Emily Robinson entitled ‘Touching the Void: Affective History and the Impossible‘, first published in 2010, and now freely available. Robinson’s article discusses the affective dimension of archival research, as does a recent post on this blog by Åsa Jansson.

A recent special issue of BMGN – Low Countries Historical Review, edited by James Kennedy, is on the theme of masculinities, and includes several studies of affection, emotion, and sensibility in European males.

The interdisciplinary journal Emotion Review, which is published in association with the International Society for Research on Emotion (ISRE), and edited by James A. Russell, is always a reliable source of informative and cutting-edge articles on all aspects of emotion research. Two recent special issues include one on ‘Emotions and Feelings in Psychiatric Illness‘, with contributions from philosophers, including Peter Goldie, Matthew Ratcliffe, and Rachel Cooper, and another on ‘Social Constructionist Approaches to Emotion‘.

Journal Articles and Book Chapters

In the latest issue of the online postgraduate journal, Ex Historia, published by research students at the University of Exeter, Stephen Bennett (Queen Mary, University of London) writes about ‘Fear and its Representation in the First Crusade‘. exploring representations of fear as a ‘physical, material or spiritual trigger’ in early accounts of the First Crusade.

In the new Oxford Handbook of Aquinas, Peter King has written a chapter on ‘Emotions’, covering Aquinas’s views on emotion, cognition, and volition. Aquinas’s views on the emotions (or, more properly, the passions of the soul, the sense appetite, affects, affections, and so forth) have attracted a lot of attention recently, with books published on the subject in the last couple of years by Diana Fritz Cates, by Nicholas Lombardo, and by Robert Miner.

The Thomist model of the passions is a central concern, also, for Daniel Derrin in his article on ‘Engaging the Passions in John Donne’s Sermons‘ in the latest issue of English Studies, exploring the rhetorical techniques used by Donne to ‘generate, transmute, and transfer the emotional responses of his audience towards his sermons’ particular subjects’.

Sticking with canonical theorists of the passions, René Descartes’ theory of the passions is re-examined by Shoshana Brassfield in an article entitled ‘Never Let the Passions Be Your Guide: Descartes and the Role of the Passions‘, in the British Journal for the History of Philosophy. Brassfield seeks to overturn the established view that Descartes thought the passions could inform their subjects in useful ways about what is beneficial or harmful. The alternative picture offered emphasises the extent to which Descartes, like many moralists before and since, thought it essential that we should guide our passions and not let them guide us.

The other side of European moralists’ exhortation to restrain the passions was the duty to cultivate appropriate moral affections towards oneself, one’s family, and one’s fellow-creatures. In an essay in History Workshop Journal, Barbara Taylor has recently discussed the eighteenth-century origins of the idea that the social affections and fellow-feeling were characteristically feminine qualities. The article is called ‘Enlightenment and the Uses of Woman‘.

The duties and uses of woman included displaying the right feelings and affections towards her husband and children. Denise Z. Davidson’s article in the Journal of Family History on ‘“Happy” Marriages in Early Ninteenth-Century France‘ uses family correspondence to seek evidence of bourgeois couples in search of love and companionship within the established practice of arranged marriages. In this context, to be happy meant not to have a particular set of pleasant feelings, but to have economic security, domestic peace, and a clearly defined set of familiar obligations.

In Theory, Culture and Society, Joanna Bourke contributes an article asking why victims of rape, by contrast with other victims of violence, who were considered to have suffered psychic damage from the 1860s onwards, were not considered to have suffered a lasting psychological trauma, until  a century later. The essay is entitled ‘Sexual Violence, Bodily Pain, and Trauma: A History‘.

Clarie Langhamer’s latest article ‘Love, Selfhood and Authenticity in Post-war Britain‘, in Cultural and Social History, explains how heterosexual love became a central plank in the quest for emotional self-realisation in the post-war period: ‘The ways in which love was fashioned in the 1940s and 1950s were central to the dramatic social and cultural changes that occurred in the decades that followed’.

My own most recent publications are two articles looking at different aspects of educating and expressing emotions in Victorian Britain. ‘The Tears of Mr Justice Willes‘ is a contextualised microhistory of a weeping judge in Journal of Victorian Culture. Educating the Emotions from Gradgrind to Goleman‘ is a study of the history of the idea that schools should educate children’s emotions as well as their intellects, in Research Papers in Education.

Combining historical and philosophical analysis in History and Theory, Monique Scheer has written an article with a self-explanatory title: ‘Are emotions a kind of practice (and is that what makes them have a history)? A Bourdieuian approach to understanding emotion‘. As the abstract explains: ‘Drawing on Pierre Bourdieu’s concept of habitus, the essay emphasizes that the body is not a static, timeless, universal foundation that produces ahistorical emotional arousal, but is itself socially situated, adaptive, trained, plastic, and thus historical’.

Blog Posts and Online Publications

The June 2012 issue of Affect and Emotion is just out – the newsletter of the Swiss Center for Affective Sciences. It includes reports on research projects investigating the cultural meanings of emotions words in different languages, and on stress, emotion and the workplace.

The Spring 2012 issue of Wellcome History includes several articles (pp. 5-15) about emotions and the history of medicine written by scholars working at the Queen Mary Centre for the History of the Emotions, with topics including anger, tears, mimicry, public health, influenza, surgery, philanthropy, modern biomedicine, and the politics of happiness.

There has been a boom in the scientific and political promotion of ‘happiness’ in recent years, and so it is refreshing to read an article by June Gruber of Berkeley’s ‘Greater Good Science Center’ on ‘Four Ways Happiness Can Hurt You‘, including the commonsensical observation that actively pursuing happiness can make people very unhappy.

Our own Policy Director, Jules Evans, whose book is mentioned above, is a constant source  of intriguing and well-researched blog posts about the science and politics of wellbeing, both on his own blog and here on the History of Emotions Blog. He has recently written about the UK government’s policy on well-being; about the New Left’s vision of the personal, the political, and the role of grass-roots philosophy; a piece I particularly enjoyed about ‘When politicians lose it‘, reflecting on the anger, tears, and other passions of leading political figures; and a recent commentary on Giles Fraser’s impressions of  the philosopher of emotion Martha Nussbaum as excessively cool and controlled.

What is the history of emotions? Part III

After the publication of What is the history of emotions? Part I and Part II, to mark the blog’s first birthday, I issued a general invitation for further answers to this question. The wonderful results are now published here as a third (and final?) instalment.

Three of these six responses are from PhD students and three from established scholars. Sally Holloway writes about romance and material culture, Åsa Jansson about the profound significance of our changing notions of mental disorder, and Anna Kennedy about the continuing relevance of Jean-Paul Sartre to modern psychology. Then Emma Mason uses the poetry of e. e. cummings to get us to think about feelings, literature, science and education; Katherine Angel brings to life the problems of historical distance and identification through the diaries of Samuel Pepys; and finally Rowan Boyson refelects on a surprising emotional overlap between the history of science and the philosophy of aesthetics.

Sally Holloway
PhD Student, Royal Holloway, University of London

The history of emotions for me is a history of language, of objects, and of symbolism, which is firmly embedded in the material world. This approach has been shaped by my doctoral research on romantic love in premarital relationships between c. 1730 and 1830. I was first introduced to emotion history via the history of letter-writing, with Fay Bound Alberti’s article ‘“Writing the Self”: Love and the Letter in England c. 1660-1760’ in Literature and History (2002.)  She presented love letters as a ‘highly specific way of shaping as well as reflecting emotional experience.’ This experience was not expressed at random, but within a framework of cultural and social references which ensured that the content and structure of letters was ‘no less crafted than church court depositions.’

While it would take a mind-reader to know how lovers actually felt, we can nonetheless access how individuals processed, conceptualised and expressed their emotions. My research approaches romantic love as a cultural construct which was shaped by a number of medical, religious and literary conventions. When writing love letters, individuals could adopt or jettison these conventions as they pleased. For example when the Quaker flour merchant Thomas Kirton wrote to his future wife Olive Lloyd in 1734, he recognised that,

I know Heroick Love, and Friendship are things out of Fashion, and thought fit only for Knights Errant…But I condemn their low Ideas, ’Tis thy Noble mind, as well as comely Personage, I so much admire.

This demonstrates how Thomas’s concept of love was neither ‘innate’ nor ‘unchanging’, but shifted over time in accordance with wider romantic movements. Particular tropes came in and out of vogue, with Thomas deciding to call upon heroic love to conceptualise his emotions, even though it was not deemed fashionable at the time.

Emotions such as romantic love were also formulated using the haptic pleasures of ‘love objects.’ Love was a sensual experience, as individuals worked through their feelings by touching, smelling and gazing at gifts given by lovers. This encouraged them to think deeply about a relationship and consider how they felt about the giver, also allowing them to gauge the intensity of their passion. In providing access to this secretive and often undocumented act, the history of emotions is unique in taking romantic love below the level of literacy. My research into objects and emotion has been strongly influenced by anthropological works such as Marcel Mauss’s The Gift (trans. 1954) and Pierre Bourdieu’s Outline of a Theory of Practice (trans. 1977.) I have also been inspired by Marcia Pointon’s landmark study Brilliant Effects (2009) which explores the material, emotional and symbolic dimensions of gemstones and jewellery. Several interesting articles have been posted on this blog on this topic, such as Jenny Nyberg on ‘Grave Emotions’ and Thomas Dixon on ‘The Stuff Emotions Are Made Of.’

The history of emotions is therefore paramount in providing us with new ways of looking at romantic relationships. It does so through numerous intersections with gender history, social history, cultural history, anthropology and material culture. This allows historians to move beyond age-old debates about marriage for love which have dominated the last three decades, creating new insights into how couples related to one another.

Åsa Jansson
PhD Student, QMUL Centre for the History of the Emotions

I was partly drawn to the history of the emotions because I was curious about the origins of current ideas about emotionality and what it means to be human. But in the first instance my work within this field is not motivated by curiosity but by concern. I came to the history of the emotions via the history of psychiatry, and these two spheres are still very much intertwined in my own research, joined to some extent by neuroscience and psychology. For these are disciplines which purport to say something about what we are and why. And, more importantly, they are concerned with (to put it bluntly) ‘discovering’ what is wrong with people and why. Since psychiatry’s infancy there have been, and continue to be, attempts made to explain pathological emotionality in biological language. Indeed, the modern idea that our emotions have a cerebral basis and as such are prone to become disordered was largely invented in the early nineteenth century through an appropriation of language from experimental physiology to the realm of thoughts and feelings. The science(s) underpinning biomedical explanations of the emotions and their disorders is of course in many ways very different today. But the basic understanding of the emotions as automated, cerebral, and subject to disorder and disease continues to facilitate research in the psy-disciplines and the neurosciences in the twenty-first century.

So what is it about this that concerns me? Well, when we use ‘scientific’ language to talk about such highly ethical, social, relational, and – above all – historically contingent questions as what human beings feel and think and when we do so under the assumption that such language is factual and value-neutral, we often fail to take responsibility for the potential consequences of our words. To label emotions and, by extension, people in certain ways, to categories them as ‘pathological’, ‘abnormal’, or ‘disordered’, and to suggest that these features are inscribed into bodies and brains, have a potentially vast range of ethical consequences for individuals who find themselves subject to such labels or who, as is also often the case, adopt and internalise them.

We are often inclined to think that those aspects of our lives which, because they are personal and intimate, we tend to perceive as ‘natural’, ‘innate’, and ‘inevitable’ (such as our emotions) are constant and universally true. But just as ideas about nature and innateness have a history, so do the emotions and the belief that these can be a source and site of pathology, of illness. Thus, one of the things we can learn from taking a historical perspective on the emotions is that our present understanding of ‘emotional disorders’ is historically specific; it was once created, made – and this importantly implies that it can be unmade. For me this is where the history of the emotions becomes more than storytelling or academic pursuit: it shows us that things can change, including the possibilities and limits of human experience. Such history holds the promise of hope, of a future different from both the present and the past.

 

Anna Kennedy
PhD Student, Psychology, University of Edinburgh

As a first year PhD student looking at how emotions have been defined and operationalized as they are studied by psychologists, my interest in the history of emotions lies in what it can reveal about the constructed and constructive nature of psychological understandings.  Amongst the vast emotions literature, one of the most inspiring books that has stood out for me is Sartre’s Sketch for a Theory of Emotion, which I think sets out some revealing arguments regarding the ability of psychologists to get at a phenomenon which continues to defy definition.

In it Sartre argues that in the gathering of facts about emotion, psychologists will never capture its essence nor what it is to be an emotional being.  As a historian of psychology I can see that over time psychological facts about emotion (e.g. physiological responses, eliciting stimuli, neuroscientific data) change, as the methods of gathering them alter.  The self-acknowledged struggle of psychologists to define and capture emotion reflects the inability of these changing facts to uncover Sartre’s ‘essence’. No matter how many connected elements are collected and built one on the other they will never reach a whole which is able to fully represent the meanings that pervade people’s emotional lives.

This struggle was captured, rather wittily, by P.T. Young in 1973, who said, “…almost everyone except the psychologist knows what emotion is.”.  Of course, psychologists are people too so are very well acquainted with emotion and perhaps this is the problem.  In comparing their scientific definitions with their experience they understand their inadequacy to fully capture emotion but are bound by the pursuit of data gathering to operationalize it narrowly and in accordance with what is viewed as scientific at particular points in time.  It is the studying of these points of time and what they have to reveal about changing psychological conceptualisations of emotion that I hope will provide both a challenge and a background to current theorizing as illustrated by this quote from Robert Solomon in relation to the highly contested idea of basic emotions, ‘I would argue that the notion of “basic emotions” is neither meaningless nor so straightforward as its critics and defenders respectively argue, but it is historical and culturally situated and serves very different purposes in different contexts, including different research contexts…It is a subject with a rich history, and it is not one that can be readily understood within the confines of a technical debate in the Psychological Review.’

 

Emma Mason
University of Warwick

since feeling is first

since feeling is first
who pays any attention
to the syntax of things
will never wholly kiss you;
wholly to be a fool
while Spring is in the world

my blood approves,
and kisses are a better fate
than wisdom
lady i swear by all flowers. Don’t cry
—the best gesture of my brain is less than
your eyelids’ flutter which says

we are for each other: then
laugh, leaning back in my arms
for life’s not a paragraph

And death i think is no parenthesis

I open this short blog entry on emotion and literature with e. e. cummings’ poem ‘since feeling is first’, the text with which I begin my undergraduate module ‘Poetry and Emotion’. I have been teaching this module for seven years and have found it a useful forum in which to think with students about the overlap between an emergent interest in ‘affect theory’ and a simultaneous return to formalism. I turn to this relationship between feeling and form below, but with a mind-set newly invigorated by a recent statement issued by Dr Wendy Piatt, the Director General of the Russell Group, about the status of literary studies in the UK. As a member of a University that is on paper part of the Russell Group, I was especially surprised, shocked even, disheartened certainly, to read Dr Piatt’s declaration that: ‘There has been too much focus on an “emotional” response to texts rather than on robust critical analysis in some subjects like English’ in a wider statement about Ofqual’s recent report on A level teaching.

Readers of this blog will be long familiar with the binary Piatt sets up here between reason and emotion, rationality and excitability, ‘robust’ scholarship and sentimental studies, and will not need to be reminded of the essential sexism implied in such a statement (English is too schmaltzy, too many girls study it anyway, and we need to make the study of it a better transition into Law or Business Studies to secure the clever boys on our degrees).  The statement recalls the kind of anxiety F. R. Leavis expressed about literary studies in the 1930s: to paraphrase his debut essay for Scrutiny, ‘The Literary Mind’ (1932-33), the study of the emotional content of a literary text should focus on a structured sensibility to help develop cerebral muscle, and not issues of sentimentality and excessive expressionism.

Piatt’s statement also serves as a response to Ofqual’s insistence that literary studies needs the ‘Brian-Cox-effect’ to ‘save’ it from dissolving into mere empathetic humanism. Cox, like Richard Dawkins, sells the ‘worth’ of science from both an unchallenged assumption about its ability to present the world as it ‘really is’ (or at least its capacity to one day think up the equation to do so); and also the ‘wonder’ and ‘beauty’ of this ‘reality’ (cue both Cox and Dawkins caught on camera in various documentaries staring into sunsets and across mountain ranges content in the belief that such loveliness issues from ‘science’ and not a creator God). This clip of Cox interviewing Stephen Hawking reveals just how obsessed many scientists still are with ‘creation’, a word those same scientists believe they have a completely neutral stance towards, self-fashioned as they are as the objective defenders of what Dawkins calls the ‘mumbo jumbo’ of religion, spirituality, alternative medicines and other emotionally-led delusions. Thomas Dixon has written elsewhere of the danger of reducing the study of emotion to ‘psychoanalysis, cognitive science, or neuropsychology’, a move that threatens to ‘give up at the outset on the possibility of reconstituting the affective life of the past and to undertake instead a fishing expedition for data in support of modern psychology.’ Literary critics too are at the same risk of attempting to explain away emotion in terms other disciplines, the current favourite being neuroscience.

At a conference called ‘Languages of Emotion’ that I organized with Isobel Armstrong in 2004, a largely Humanities-based audience listened to a keynote by the neuroscientist Edmund Rolls, an engaging talk that nevertheless highlighted for me the unbridgeable gap between this kind of thinking and the study of poetry. I have taught the work of Antonio Damasio and Joseph LeDoux to exceptionally brilliant undergraduates at Warwick for several years on ‘Poetry and Emotion’, but recently removed it after finally deciding that, while an incredibly compelling subject in its own right (I am an avid reader of popular science), it wasn’t helping students develop an analysis, exposition or emotional sense of a poem. A ‘helpful’ text, I think, is one that allows a student to explore the cultural and historical context, formal and phenomenological feeling of a poem, so that he or she can write an essay that stays with the poem and does not wander off from it into an abstracted discussion of something else. Robert Harrison makes a more pointed criticism of neuroscience in a discussion about Jean-Paul Sartre as part of his Stanford University Entitled Opinions podcast series, well worth listening to for its insistent attention to questions of emotion and the felt experience of the world. For Harrison, ‘our age’ suffers from a ‘malady’ that ‘has to do with the unrestrained drive in contemporary biology, neuroscience, artificial intelligence and cognitive science to reify human consciousness, that is to say, to view it in materialist terms as if consciousness were a biological phenomenon on the order of things in the world, or what Sartre called “the in itself”. Sartre shows  . . . that all attempts to reduce human beings to a status of a thing are not only doomed to failure, they are part of the tragedy of consciousness’ alienation from the order of positive being’.

For me, poetry connects students back to ‘positive being’ without falling into a moral-driven humanism about right behavior or goodness: as Henri Meschonnic puts it, ‘Only the poem can unite, hold affect and concept in one mouthful of speech which acts, transforms our manner of seeing, hearing, feeling, understanding, talking, reading’ (‘The Rhythm Party Manifesto’, 2001, trans. 2011). I am not interested in the question of whether we become ‘better people’ by reading poetry, but I do think working on focused ways into poems (like close reading) engenders a way of addressing how emotions are experienced by us, how they circulate and adapt to material spaces and places, as well as how they are transmitted, expressed, constructed and felt.

From William Wordsworth’s proclamation about poetry as an overflow of feeling to cummings’ sense of poetry as a way into questions of ‘lookiesoundiefeelietastiesmellie’ and Elizabeth Bishop’s understanding of it as an ‘uncomfortable feeling of “things” in the head’, poetry is consistently theorized through emotion, not only by poets, but also by philosophers, anthropologists and theologians. A great example of a book with which I replaced Damasio and LeDoux is Kathleen Stewart’s Ordinary Affects (2007), a study that evolves affect theory into a mode of critical storytelling that is able to sympathetically perceive and attend to the minutiae of the affective dimensions of everyday life. An anthropologist, Stewart enacts a meditative thinking we might associate with Martin Heidegger or Simone Weil by patiently detailing moments of everyday life through a ‘nomadic tracing’ and poetic ‘attunement’ to present moment experience.  This focus on attunement to the experience of a text finds resonance in those studies of emotion unafraid to link ‘feeling’ to bigger questions of religion, faith, compassion and relationalism.  Both Lauren Berlant’s work on compassion and Teresa Brennan’s exploration of the transmission of affect do this, experimenting as they do with a religious language of care and attention to think through feeling and so speak to a new prosody equally interested in understanding how poems shape us as readers, both physically and emotionally.

My sense is that the most effective recent example of thinking through the physical and emotional ‘impact’ of reading poetry is Isobel Armstrong’s reading of metre as ‘the product of a somatic pressure encouraged by the sound system of the poem’s language, abstracted by the mind, and returned to language and the body when the poem is read in real time’ (‘Meter and Meaning’, 2011). As Armstrong argues, one has to feel metre: you can’t google a remembered sound pattern, as students soon learn on ‘Poetry and Emotion’ as they are asked to think through and sound out rhyme and rhythms in poems by writers like Tennyson, Rossetti, Poe, Cavafy, Rilke, Basho, Plath, Hughes, Merwin and Prynne. The return to form, like the study of emotion, shows a willingness to address those aspects of life that structure existence, but can’t be catalogued and archived or accounted for or banked. Whatever science discovers about the way we feel (from theories that locate it all within the brain, to those that envision us as computer-generated projections of an advanced alien culture) and where we feel it (in multi-verses and multi-dimensions), we still have to find ways to emotionally relate to others in ‘real time’ and understand and reflect on that relation. I imagine this kind of learning experience would not be deemed ‘robust’ enough for some, although I’m sure even Dr Piatt would be relieved to encounter the challenge of reading Heidegger and Brennan, Weil and Sartre, Barthes and Tanizaki, that accompanies the discussion of poems on ‘Poetry and Emotion’. Literary studies is inherently guilty of being worried about appearing ‘soft’ (and by association ‘feminine’), but that softness offers us a unique way into thinking and feeling possibilities and potentialities for human change, respect, empathy, hospitality towards others and what Stanley Hauerwas calls a politics of gentleness that might challenge the politics of aggression that currently dominates western politics. At the same time, poems about feeling, both happy (hymns of joy and declarations of love) and sorrowful (elegies and epitaphs that explore mourning and loss), are remembered and relied upon by people of various communities, and finding a way to think and write about that value is worth pursuing at all levels of education. ‘since feeling is first’ we literary critics might not be as defensive as we sometimes appear about teaching poems that move us emotionally as well as intellectually.

 

Katherine Angel
University of Warwick

On 13th October 1660 Samuel Pepys wrote the following in his diary:

To my Lord’s in the morning, where I met with Capt. Cuttance. But my Lord not being up, I went out to Charing cross to see Maj.-Gen. Harrison hanged, drawn, and quartered – which was done there – he looking as cheerfully as any man could do in that condition. He was presently cut down and his head and heart shown to the people, at which there was great shouts of joy. … Thus it was my chance to see the King beheaded at Whitehall and to see the first blood shed in revenge for the blood of the King at Charing cross. From thence to my Lord’s and took Capt. Cuttance and Mr Sheply to the Sun taverne and did give them some oysters. After that I went by water home, where I was angry with my wife for her things lying about, and in my passion kicked the little fine Baskett which I bought her in Holland and broke it, which troubles me after I had done it. Within all the afternoon, setting up shelfes in my study.

When I first read this, decades ago, I was fascinated, and shocked, by the matter-of-factness with which Pepys recounts both these gruesome events and the subsequent mundanities of his day. I was struck also by the contrast between my own sense of horror at these barbarities – a feeling that runs so deep, and seems so natural, so inevitable! – and the apparent enthusiasm for it in Pepys’ day: the ‘shouts of joy’. And I was intrigued, and not a little appalled, that Pepys himself seemed so unappalled.

An early lesson, then, in historical difference; in the historical contingency of our situations and perspectives; of what feel like our deepest, truest emotions. A difference that is all the more unsettling because Pepys also strikes us, in pangs of recognition, as so like us: he goes to the pub, he gets angry, he puts up bookshelves.

Later, reading this passage again, I noticed different elements: the gently sardonic tone of ‘he looking as cheerfully as any man could do in that condition’. I noticed that Pepys is observing the crowd, describing their shouts of joy – he is not clearly a participant. I noticed the somewhat distant, ironic commentary on the historical vagaries of the time – seeing Thomas Harrison, a signatory to Charles I’s death warrant, take his turn on the platform; seeing the hangman, if you like, hanged. I also found myself wondering if Pepys was as impassive as I had first thought in the face of the hanging; I found myself speculating that his anger may have been triggered by distress at the hangings. Surely one would have to have an outlet for the distress that one would inevitably, deeply, feel in the face of such violence? Surely?

And then I noticed the presumption involved in this – for by this time I was knee-deep in the history of psychiatry, and thinking about the rise of models of the mind involving unconscious motivations, and the rise in the twentieth century in particular of depth psychology and psychoanalysis. I became, then, self-conscious about the assumptions that my responses to Pepys’ writings contained – assumptions about the historical continuity of psychological and emotional categories, an imagined continuity that underpinned my sense of identification with Pepys. The presumption that this gesture of understanding is possible was further challenged by reading Michel Foucault, in particular his History of Sexuality. What Foucault does is historicise, and reveal the contingency of, the very structure of how we think about sex and the self. He historicises our deepest feelings about our deepest feelings: in particular, our feeling that sex is somehow constitutively enmeshed with what it is to be a person; our view that sex is something about which the ‘unbearable, too hazardous truth’ must be told; our conviction that writing the history of sex must be told through the constitutive element of ‘prohibition’. A conviction which is, Foucault tells us, a ruse.

What Pepys’ Diary does is reveal a range of ways in which emotions can be historicized. Pepys examines his thoughts and feelings, observing them in a way which opens up a space for thinking about their formation, their history. For example:

This day I was told that my Lady Castlemayne (being quite fallen out with her husband) did yesterday go away from him with all her plate, Jewells and other best things; and is gone to Richmond to a brother of hers; which I am apt to think was a design to get out of town, that the King might come at her the better. But strange it is, how for her beauty, I am willing to conster all this to the best and to pity her wherein it is to her hurt, though I know well enough she is a whore.

Pepys doesn’t question his perception of Lady Castlemayne as a whore – that might be asking too much – but he does notice that his appreciation of her beauty makes him more lenient in his judgement of her. The contingency of his own judgements and feeling, their shaping by other feelings, is, in this way, opened up to him and to us.

Passages such as the first I quoted, in which we are unsettled by apparent emotions (or their absence), alongside human experiences we feel such resonance with, allow us to sense the importance of other ways of historicizing emotions: seeing in what way emotional repertoires, and their understanding, change over time. They also, therefore, allow us to feel the importance of historicizing our own emotional vocabularies. Moreover, they raise the importance of reflecting on changing ways of thinking – within history, literature, psychoanalysis – about emotions and their history. My desire, for example, to speculate on Pepys’ angry outburst bears a certain generic trace of psychoanalytic heritage: the repression of emotions that must find an outlet. Is this an appropriate, or a present-centred, reading of Pepys? Is it even possible to think ourselves out of our contingent historical ways of understanding emotions?

The diaries, in a more general way, also make us encounter the twin poles of the very activity of looking back historically: identification and alienation, sympathy and horror. I challenge anyone not to feel the pull of both of these when they encounter the following passage, at the Coronation in 1661:

But these gallants continued thus a great while, and I wondered to see how the ladies did tiple. At last I sent my wife and her bedfellow to bed, and Mr Hunt and I went in with Mr Thornbury…to his house; and there we drank the King’s health and nothing else, till one of the gentlemen fell down stark drunk and there lay speweing. And I went to my Lord’s pretty well. But no sooner a-bed with Mr Sheply but my head begun to turne and I to vomit, and if ever I was foxed it was now – which I cannot say yet, because I fell asleep and sleep till morning – only, when I waked I found myself wet with my spewing. Thus did the day end, with joy everywhere.

 

Rowan Boyson
King’s College, Cambridge

I’d like to highlight a different strand of the history of emotions, which concerns a surprising overlap between disparate insights from the history of science and studies of the aesthetic, which helped me think about the connection between emotion and epistemology. Around 2002, when I was beginning to plan a graduate research project, I read Lorraine Daston and Katy Park’s beautiful 1998 book Wonders and the Order of Nature, 1150-1750. Their inspiring introduction charts their shared curiosity on a scholarly journey that began with a more modest article on why ‘monsters’ featured regularly in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century science, blossoming out into a fuller history of the passion of ‘wonder’ itself. They quoted Francis Bacon in their Preface: ‘For all knowledge and wonder (which is the seed of knowledge) is an impression of pleasure in itself’. Their work joined and helped shape an agenda for rewriting the history of science not as a dispassionate pursuit of ‘truth’, but as one involving all kinds of emotions and affects – fear, attraction, pride, curiosity, pleasure… More recently Objectivity by Lorraine Daston and Peter Galison (2007) took the story through into the mid nineteenth century, showing how the concept of ‘objectivity’, the idea of scientist as ‘pure’, mechanical or non-emotional came historically into view.

At the same time as I was reading this kind of work in the history of science, there was a new agenda emerging in my home territory of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century literature, one which is often, though sometimes controversially, called ‘new formalism’ or ‘the return of the aesthetic’. Various books like Isobel Armstrong’s The Radical Aesthetic (2000), Peter de Bolla’s Art Matters (2003), and Simon Jarvis’s Wordsworth’s Philosophic Song (2007) argued that the experience of art and poetry offered a kind of knowledge of its own. To put it in a very basic sense, a poem by Wordsworth does not contain a historical or philosophical meaning separate from the choice of words and its rhythm, nor are these things secondary or ‘merely’ pleasurable. Starting from this position also proposed a different kind of reading method, taking very seriously one’s emotional or subjective response to a literary work, against an earlier disciplinary orthodoxy where texts had to be dispassionately dissected for the way that they exemplified historical ideologies and structures of power. Much work in ‘new formalist’ vein has been influenced by Theodor Adorno’s brilliant disquisitions on the categorical and political distinctions and contradictions induced by modernity in Dialectic of Enlightenment and Aesthetic Theory. Though undoubtedly, in turn there will be many interesting and relevant critiques of this ‘new’ formalism, Adorno’s meditations on how categories like ‘emotion’ and ‘rationality’ are entangled are still incredibly compelling to anyone interested in the history of literature, in the history of science, and in the history of emotion.

 

Emotions and Archival Research

I’ve had quite a few conversations with colleagues about the challenges and rewards of archival research. We’ve talked about the joy of discovering a letter or memo or perhaps a collection of photographs barely touched for decades, as well as about the frustration of desperately trying to interpret unreadable handwriting that you just know holds information that could  alter the entire course of your current research project. And of course, there’s no denying the kick you get from deciphering a private letter in Charles Darwin’s unintelligible scrawl, or the huge satisfaction that comes from finally tracking down a crucial piece of documentary evidence. What appears less likely to come up in conversation, however, are the sometimes emotionally fraught encounters with personal stories by and about people of the past. But what better place to contemplate one of the emotional challenges of doing history than a blog devoted to the history of the emotions?

I had my first encounter with mouldy archival documents a few years ago as an MA student. I recall curiously studying the sombre faces of private patients who had been photographed for their records at the county asylum in Cheshire (pauper patients were not subjected to this particular form of visual documentation). Two years into my PhD research on melancholia in Victorian medicine I’ve grown used to the fact that archival research can at times be an emotionally challenging endeavour. This is perhaps particularly true when you’re writing about a disease concept that was according to nineteenth-century physicians characterised by ‘despair’, ‘guilt’, ‘depression of spirits’, ‘mental pain’, ‘fear’, and ‘suicidal propensities’.

My most memorable case to date is not, however, one of melancholia. A while ago I was perusing the female casebooks from Brookwood asylum in Surrey. Upon turning a page I was met with an unusually brief case history (just over one page) of an unusually young patient (15 years old). What first caught my eye, however, was the article that had been cut out from a newspaper and glued onto the empty space next to the attending medical officer’s scribbles. Intrigued, I decided that this was a good time to take a short break from the research I was doing and began to read. It soon became evident why the notes pertaining to this patient were so brief – she lived only a short while after being admitted to the asylum a couple of weeks before the Christmas of 1870.

Fanny Evans, a young girl from Guilford in Surrey, was admitted following arrest for solicitation in London’s Hyde Park. The article that someone had cut out and pasted next to her brief case notes relates the story of a ‘lamentable case of profligacy’. According to the journalist, 15-year old Fanny has had a number of run-ins with the law, and when brought before the judge tells a web of lies in her defence, such as claiming that her father and brother are violent and abusive toward her. These ‘lies’ are perceived by the presiding judge of the Marlborough Police Court as further evidence of her morally corrupt character. The judge eventually concludes that ‘she has carried her profligacy to such extent as somewhat to have affected her mind’; thus, he recommends that she be sent to the county asylum for treatment.

Fanny arrives at Brookwood in an agitated state. She is described in her case notes as excited and delusional. The physician in charge states that she ‘appears thoroughly to believe’ her ‘delusions’, such as ‘that her father once tried to strangle her’. She is reported to have said that she would return to London as soon as she was discharged, ‘saying that her father is always threatening her and will not have her at his home.’

Lloyd’s Weekly Newspaper, December 11, 1870

Shortly after she is admitted to the ward Fanny begins to have fits and suffers bouts of short-term memory loss. Two days later, on December 18, she is found dead in her bed following a seizure. The autopsy shows one side of the brain to be abnormally enlarged and containing a cyst. A large cyst is also found on one of her ovaries. An inquest is held into her death; the jury returns a verdict of ‘Death from suffocating during an epileptic attack.’

As an historian of the emotions and of psychiatry I am reluctant to assign any universalist, timeless qualities to feeling states, ‘experience’, or ‘illness’. It goes explicitly against the purpose of my work to retrospectively diagnose Fanny or try to interpret her emotional state, or that of any of the other Victorian asylum patients I come across. I know that I can never get to ‘what was really going on’ – all I have are the article and the medical case notes,  both of which attest that Fanny Evans was ‘delusional’; therefore she was delusional, in this context, according to these sources.

Our present psychological categories are equally historically specific; in other words, it can be argued that the ‘empathy’ I feel for Fanny is just as culturally loaded as her delusions – but that makes it no less real. This story stuck with me to the extent that I used it when teaching an undergraduate seminar, and months later I’m now writing a blog post about it.

My own PhD research is explicitly premised upon the importance of recognising and explaining historical specificity. The categories available for expressing and describing one’s emotions form part of a knowledge system that determines the limits and possibilities of emotional experience. Historian and philosopher of science Ian Hacking has explained this much better than I ever could:

To create new ways of classifying people is also to change how we can think of ourselves, to change our sense of self-worth, even how we remember our own past. This in turn generates a looping effect, because people of the [new] kind behave differently and so are different. That is to say, the kind changes, and so there is a new causal knowledge to be gained and, perhaps, old causal knowledge to be jettisoned.[1]

However, the point of this is, in part, to say that it is through these kinds of processes that emotions and experience become real. And while one of the most important tools of any historian is critical thinking, I think our desire to critique is often driven by something much more emotive and much less talked about – empathy. While this emotion has its own history (as scholars such as Allan Young have begun to show), just like Fanny Evans’ ‘delusions’ it has through its history become a reified category of human experience. And while it may not be a timeless, universal emotion, it is at the same time precisely what allows the twenty-first century historian to reach back across time and interrogate the ideas and practices that produce a case like Fanny’s.

And as for Fanny herself – well, her ‘experience’ and ’emotions’ cannot be meaningfully recovered; however, empathy lets me imagine her pain as real, and that pain cannot help but fuel a need for historical critique.

 



[1] Ian Hacking, ‘The Looping Effects of Human Kinds’, in Dan Sperber, David Premack, and Ann James Premack, eds., Causal Cognition: A Multidisciplinary Debate, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1995, p. 369.

The uses of anger in medieval and early modern medicine

In The Anatomy of Melancholy (1621), Robert Burton refers to anger only as a mental perturbation, endorsing the much-quoted Horatian dictum that it is a short-lived form of madness and Areteus’s view that if it is excessive, it produces insanity. Yet this notion of anger stands in contrast to the much more complex and nuanced views which emerge from medieval and early modern medical works. My work highlights enlightening but understudied references to anger in Galenic medical treatises, surgical handbooks, plague tracts and popular regimens of health circulating in Latin, English, Spanish, French, Catalan, Italian and German between 1250 and 1700.

Etching of an angry man, by W. Hebert, c1770, Wellcome Library

In these medical sources, anger is discussed as one of the factors of health and disease related to lifestyle, and as a movement that arises from a mental image or cognitive judgement and manifests internally in the body, altering it even before it becomes manifest externally, and before any action is taken. The most standard medical approach was to describe anger, like all other ‘accidents of the soul’, as a movement of natural heat and vital spirit (the subtle vapour in the arterial blood which was thought to mediate between mind and body). As Arnald of Villanova (d. 1311) explains in his influential physiological account of anger (based on Avicenna, and still echoed in Nicolas de la Framboisière, d. 1636), spirit first moves towards the heart, building up the courage to attack, and making the heart heat up and expand and contract very fast. This produces a rush of heat to the surface of the body in preparation for revenge.

Drawing on Galen, medical authors often distinguish between wrath (associated with manly
courage and abundance of heat) and a more moderate form of anger. Some authors, such as Roger Bacon (d. 1294) and Estéfano de Sevilla (d. 1387), argue that moderate anger can be healthy for all kinds of people (all temperaments) in helping the body to maintain its natural heat in a moderate effervescence, thus ensuring that the blood reaches and vivifies all the bodily organs. Others, such as Helkiah Crooke (d. 1648), dismiss the anger experienced by faint-hearted people as fretfulness and pettishness.

The regimens of health published in Latin and in vernacular languages tend to emphasise that the heat of anger dries up the body and that the swelling it produces in the heart can lead to mental confusion. However, they also suggest that an outburst of anger might be beneficial for people who are cold by temperament or as the result of poisoning or sickness. To these uses of anger William Bullein (d. 1576) adds that it can be a remedy for idle people who have little natural heat in their body, and that it can also help to counteract the effects of cold weather.

The principle that bodily coldness could be counteracted with the warmth produced by anger is exemplified, for instance, in the anecdote Lluis Alcanyís recounts in his plague tract (1490) of a physician curing the extreme weakness of a patient by constantly reminding him of events from his past, which provoked his anger. It is also applied by Taddeo Alderotti (d. 1296) in his Consilia, when he suggests that anger is not always harmful, and that it can even be beneficial for patients suffering from weak nerves. Following the Hippocratic and Galenic principle of curing by contraries, we can see why anger (hot and dry) might have been thought to be more helpful than joy (warm and moist) in counteracting the assumed causes of weak nerves (excessive cold and moisture).

By contrast, later medical authors tend to warn against the deleterious effects of anger on physical health. For instance Álvarez de Miraval (d. 1598) draws on the authority of Avicenna to stress that anger can cause heart palpitations and heart disease, and refers to Averroes in noting that it can also make people spit or cough blood and produce ephemeral fevers and epilepsy. Jacob Joseph Joepser (d. 1695) suggests that it can also produce acute pain in the male genitals, apoplexy and paralysis. Despite such warnings, belief in the therapeutic use of anger in dealing with cold diseases seems to have survived into the late 18th century, when the popular medical author William Corp (d. 1790) acknowledged the benefits of anger in conditions such as paralysis and intermittent fevers.

In examining continuities and changes of perspective in medical discussions of the impact of anger, fear, sadness and joy on physical and mental health, I take a wide chronological
and geographical approach, which I hope will prepare the ground for further comparative work in medieval and early modern medical history.

Elena Carrera is Senior Lecturer in the Spanish Golden Age, and a member of the steering committee of the Centre for the History of Emotions at Queen Mary, University of London. This piece first appeared in Wellcome History magazine

“Fat and Well”: Force-Feeding and Emotion in the Nineteenth-Century Asylum

Sarah Chaney is a PhD student at the UCL Centre for the History of Psychological Disciplines and co-organiser of the Damaging the Body seminar series. This post, about food, physical restraint, and Victorian psychiatric treatment, arises from one element of her PhD research, and is written in connection with a forthcoming event in Bristol on 28th June.

In 1858, Dr Harrington Tuke published an article in the Journal of Mental Science (the major journal for asylum psychiatrists in England) on the topic of force-feeding. This was not an unusual topic for the profession, and was frequently discussed in the pages of this journal, in both articles and correspondence: refusal of food was also a common symptom of illness recorded in asylum casebooks.

An image from the British Medical Journal (1894) showing Dr William Whittington Herbert force feeding a patient (Wellcome Images).

The “non-restraint” movement of the 1840s had encouraged attention to physical methods of compulsion within psychiatric hospitals that, previously, may have called for little comment. Harrington Tuke, like many other writers in the following decades, regarded “forced alimentation” as a last resort. Although death from what was usually termed “exhaustion” was a real concern for physicians, he emphasised that the asylum doctor must consider his position carefully. “Any expert surgeon can without much difficulty feed a reluctant patient by force,” he wrote. “It is the higher office of the practitioner in lunacy to overcome morbid repugnance to food by gentle and patient soothing, and to combat the dangerous and distressing delusions of his patients, if possible, without having recourse to coercive and apparently harsh measures.” S.W.D. Williams, House-Surgeon at the Northampton General Asylum, agreed, suggesting that force-feeding was ultimately only necessary in around ten per cent of cases in which patients refused food.

My research focuses on nineteenth-century asylum psychiatry. Reading asylum casebooks and annual reports, I have often come across what seems to me a strange paradox: the advocacy of non-restraint coexisting with the practice of force-feeding.

In the decades following Harrington Tuke’s article, debate over the appropriate moment to resort to force-feeding decreased in magnitude, and the procedure appears to have become widely accepted as a necessary (and prompt) response to refusal of food in the asylum: by the late 1880s at the Bethlem Royal Hospital, the “stomach pump” seems to have made an appearance the moment a meal was missed (which had not been the case in the 1850s). On the passing of the 1890 Lunacy Act, restraints “used only for the purpose of forcible feeding, and merely held by attendants, not tied or fastened” were considered outside the realm of mechanical coercion, and therefore did not have to be recorded in the asylum restraint book. But why, given the continued repugnance of many asylum physicians to mechanical restraint (some even complained that the 1890 Act appeared a “retrogressive step”, by effectively legitimising its use) do they appear to have accepted force-feeding so readily?

A casebook photograph from 1884, showing a patient wearing padded gloves as a form of restraint.

Williams’ analysis of the cases under his care suggests one of the underlying issues here: the strong association made by many physicians between digestive problems and mental disease, in particular the diagnosis of melancholia. Williams claimed that “in no cases can psychical derangement be traced more surely to a physical causation than in suicidal melancholia attended by derangement of the digestive organs”, while “all delusions bearing on food are, more or less, owing to dyspepsia.” This association of melancholia with the digestive system was a long-running one. On the physical examination carried out on patients at the Bethlem Royal Hospital in the 1880s and 1890s, the first item to be recorded was “Tongue – Digestive System” (Williams similarly claimed that the first signs of disordered digestion appeared on the tongue). A decade later, J. Milner Fothergill at the West London Hospital claimed that neurologists had located emotions and certain organic processes in the same area of the brain, which explained “how the emotions sympathise with the organic processes, especially those located in the abdomen, and so [we] can see melancholia in a new light; and can comprehend how mental depression may accompany, or wait upon, and depart with abdominal disturbance.”

Such an idea appears to have strong parallels with classical humoral theory: the idea that an excess of black bile, produced in the spleen, might spill into the stomach and intestines and cause both digestive turmoil and melancholy. The association between emotion and digestion was thus a long-held tradition: however, late nineteenth-century writers like Fothergill claimed the backing of modern science, rather than humoral theory. Digestive problems might thus be considered the first sign of emotional turmoil. George Savage claimed that in “Hypochondriasis of the Digestive Tract … which by many would be called true hypochondriasis”, emotional disorder frequently appeared, due to the “natural association” between the emotions and the stomach.

While parallels clearly could be (and sometimes were) made between mechanical restraint and force-feeding – both might be deemed convenient rather than curative, and cruel or otherwise hurtful to the patient – the two treatments were usually regarded quite separately in nineteenth-century psychiatry. The consumption of food was deemed to be directly associated with health: both physical and, perhaps more tellingly, mental. In asylum casebooks, weight gain was frequently recorded as a sign of recovery – the term “fat and well” makes a regular appearance in descriptions of convalescent patients. Force-feeding was thus almost invariably regarded as a medical treatment, and not a matter of convenience: mechanical restraint was usually claimed to be the reverse. Yet both can easily be regarded as much more ambiguous. Just as the decision as to whether a patient was dangerous to himself or others was subjective, so was the decision as to whether someone had consumed enough food, or at what stage weight loss might be dangerous to life.

The subjective nature of concerns around self-inflicted damage to the body has been the topic of a number of events I have co-organised, funded by the Wellcome Trust. The final event of the series, taking place on Thursday 28th June in Bristol, will focus on the idea of disordered eating. Four expert speakers will explore the topic of “Fasting and the Famished Body: Disordered Eating and the Gendering of Self-Starvation”. For more information on this and the overall series, visit the Damaging the Body project website.

Sarah Chaney.